Difference between revisions of "KBR (company)"

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* <s>{{conservapedia}}</s> no article as of 2007-08-30
 
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{{excerpt|'''2007-08-23''' from [http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/story/16076312/the_great_iraq_swindle The Great Iraq Swindle], [http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/story/16076312/the_great_iraq_swindle/3 page 3], discussing the [[US occupation of Iraq|US "reconstruction" of Iraq]]}}
 
{{excerpt|'''2007-08-23''' from [http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/story/16076312/the_great_iraq_swindle The Great Iraq Swindle], [http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/story/16076312/the_great_iraq_swindle/3 page 3], discussing the [[US occupation of Iraq|US "reconstruction" of Iraq]]}}

Latest revision as of 21:31, 25 May 2009

Overview

KBR, formerly Kellogg Brown & Root, is an American engineering and construction company [W] and a former subsidiary of Halliburton.

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2007-08-23 from The Great Iraq Swindle, page 3, discussing the US "reconstruction" of Iraq

Because contractors were paid on cost-plus arrangements, they had a powerful incentive to spend to the hilt. The undisputed master of milking the system is KBR, the former Halliburton subsidiary so ubiquitous in Iraq that soldiers even encounter its customer-survey sheets in outhouses. The company has been exposed by whistle-blowers in numerous Senate hearings for everything from double-charging taxpayers for $617,000 worth of sodas to overcharging the government 600 percent for fuel shipments. When things went wrong, KBR simply scrapped expensive gear: The company dumped 50,000 pounds of nails in the desert because they were too short, and left the Army no choice but to set fire to a supply truck that had a flat tire. "They did not have the proper wrench to change the tire," an Iraq vet named Richard Murphy told investigators, "so the decision was made to torch the truck."

In perhaps the ultimate example of military capitalism, KBR reportedly ran convoys of empty trucks back and forth across the insurgent-laden desert, pointlessly risking the lives of soldiers and drivers so the company could charge the taxpayer for its phantom deliveries. Truckers for KBR, knowing full well that the trips were bullshit, derisively referred to their cargo as "sailboat fuel."

In Fallujah, where the company was paid based on how many soldiers used the base rec center, KBR supervisors ordered employees to juke the head count by taking an hourly tally of every soldier in the facility. "They were counting the same soldier five, six, seven times," says Linda Warren, a former postal worker who was employed by KBR in Fallujah. "I was even directed to count every empty bottle of water left behind in the facility as though they were troops who had been there."

Yet for all the money KBR charged taxpayers for the rec center, it didn't provide much in the way of services to the soldiers engaged in the heaviest fighting of the war. When Warren ordered a karaoke machine, the company gave her a cardboard box stuffed with jumbled-up electronic components. "We had to borrow laptops from the troops to set up a music night," says Warren, who had a son serving in Fallujah at the time. "These boys needed R&R more than anything, but the company wouldn't spend a dime." (KBR refused requests for an interview, but has denied that it inflated troop counts or committed other wrongdoing in Iraq.)

One of the most dependable methods for burning taxpayer funds was simply to do nothing. After securing a contract in Iraq, companies would mobilize their teams, rush them into the war zone and then wait, citing the security situation or delayed paperwork -- all the while charging the government for housing, meals and other expenses. Last year, a government audit of twelve major contracts awarded to KBR, Parsons and other companies found that idle time often accounted for more than half of a contract's total costs. In one deal awarded to KBR, the company's "indirect" administrative costs were $52.7 million, and its direct costs -- the costs associated with the ­actual job -- were only $13.4 million.